This edition may be copied freely by individuals for personal use, research, and teaching (including distribution to classes) as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. It may be linked to by internet editions of all kinds.
Scholars interested in changing or adding to these texts by, for example, creating a new edition of the text (electronically or in print) with substantive editorial changes, may do so with the permission of the publisher. This is the case whether the new publication will be made available at a cost or free of charge.
This text may not be not be reproduced as a commercial or non-profit product, in print or from an information server.
Available at: http://libdev2.ucdavis.edu/English/BWRP/Works/WillHPoems.sgm
The editors thank the Shields Library, University of California, Davis, for its support for this project.
Purchase of software has been made possible by a research grant from the Librarians' Association of the University of California, Davis chapter.
All poems, line groups, and lines are represented. All material originally typeset has been preserved, with the exception of running heads, the original prose line breaks, signature markings, catchwords and decorative typographical elements. Page numbers and page breaks have been preserved. Pencilled annotations and other damage to the text have not been preserved. Lacks pages i-ii (may have been blank or a half-title).

BY
LONDON:
G. AND W. B. WHITTAKER,
AVE-MARIA LANE.
1823.
TO
CHARLES L. COQUEREL
AND
AUGUSTIN COQUEREL,
THESE POEMS
ARE INSCRIBED,
BY THEIR AFFECTIONATE AUNT,
HELEN MARIA WILLIAMS.
SOME of the following poems, the productions of my early youth, and which were published many years since in two small volumes, have been long out of print; others have been scattered in different works, and several are now for the first time presented to the Public.
I feel that I have little to urge in behalf of these slight compositions, which I wish to preserve. They bear a character of melancholy that nature and early sorrows have made the habitual disposition of my mind; this is all I shall venture to say of them, for they scarcely deserve the honours of a grave defence.
I have indeed endeavoured to correct some of their inaccuracies, yet I feel far more apprehension than usual at the publication of the present volume: this may be easily explained. I have long renounced any attempts in verse, confining my pen almost entirely to sketches of the events of the Revolution. I have seen
what I relate, and therefore I have written with confidence; I have there been treading on the territory of History, and a trace of my footsteps will perhaps be left. My narratives make a part of that marvellous story which the eighteenth century has to record to future times, and the testimony of a witness will be heard. Perhaps, indeed, I have written too little of events which I have known so well; but the convulsions of states form accumulations of private calamity that distract the attention by overwhelming the heart, and it is difficult to describe the shipwreck when sinking in the storm.
Four poems only of this collection have any reference to public events. The first in the order of time is one of my earliest productions, and appeared many years ago under the title of Peru; which title, although vague, seemed to promise far more than it performed. I have now adopted what appears to me a more appropriate denomination, that of Peruvian Tales in Verse; I have not ventured to dignify them with the appellation of historical, although they are chiefly composed of facts taken from Robertson's History of Spanish America, which first suggested the idea of this subject to my mind. In relating the adventures of that period, it was little
necessary to seek to inspire interest by having recourse to fiction; misery and oppression have at all times composed the great materials of human history, and the fashion has not passed away; it may be traced from the fifteenth to the nineteenth century, from the invasion of Peru to that of Naples.* With respect to the Peruvian Tales I shall only add, that I have corrected them with care, and, above all, have found sufficient time to make them shorter.
The second poem to which I allude is entitled "A
Poem on the Bill passed for regulating the Slave
Trade." This Bill was passed a short time before
that glorious law, by which England renounced for
ever her share of oppression. On the Continent of
Europe, egotism, and an antient respect for abuses,
have raised an army of opponents to the abolition;
and their path has not yet been crossed by a Wilberforce or a Clarkson--
The third poem I have to mention is an Ode on the
taking of the Bastille. Of that event I shall only
say, in those eloquent words,*
which have hung
on my recollection across the lapse of years, and
amidst scenes of revolutionary danger, "it was an
action not to be excused but applauded; not to be
pardoned but admired: I shall not descend to
vindicate acts which history will teach the remotest posterity to admire, and which is destined
to kindle in unborn millions the holy enthusiasm of freedom."
The fourth poem which bears on its brow the
mark of politics, is an Ode on the Peace signed between
the French and English at Amiens, in the year
1801. I shall offer no apology either for the sentiments
or predictions contained in that little poem.
It is so easy to make mistakes in the common calculations
of life, that error may well be pardoned in
marking the phases of a mighty revolution, which
sweeps away hopes and predictions with other things,
and leaves us to perceive too late that we have "read
the book of destiny amiss."+
The only memorable
circumstance in the history of this Ode is its having
incurred the displeasure of Buonaparte: he found it
in a corner of the Morning Chronicle, and it was
translated into French by his order. He pretended to
be highly irritated at the expression "encircled by thy
subject-waves," applied to England, and which he
said was treasonable towards France; but what he
really resented was, that his name was not once pronounced in the Ode. However singular it may seem
that he should have paid the slightest attention to
such a circumstance, it is nevertheless true. The
ambitious find time for every thing, and while they
appear to be wholly absorbed by great objects, never
lose sight of the most minute if connected with their
own egotism. Buonaparte is no more; and perhaps
we are too much disposed to forgive his treasons
against liberty in favour of the expiation he has
made. But those who have abused power must not
escape the sentence of posterity because they were
unfortunate. Buonaparte must appear at the bar of
history to give an account of his legions, and of that
immense stock of human happiness confided to his
care, and which he, guilty spendthrift, threw away.
I shall add no further observations respecting the
following poems; previous apologies soften little of
critical rigour, and, considered as a stranger in Eng-
land (although my heart throbs at its name), my portion
of indulgence will perhaps be scanty. My
literary patrons belonged to "the days of other years,"
when a ray of favour sometimes fell on my early
essays in verse. I can now only expect that, it being
the nature of the English public to be just, I shall
meet with no more severity than I deserve.
BEFORE
I close these pages I cannot resist seizing
the occasion of protesting against the opinions which
have of late gone forth in England, respecting "the
present degenerate State of Science and Literature
in France." I consider it the more a duty to offer
some remarks on this subject, these assertions having
been made under the high authority of a Journal no
less distinguished for its liberal principles than for the
ability with which it is written. An accusation
therefore, coming from that quarter, against modern
France, wears something like an air of justice.
The professors of science in this country may
indeed be safely left to defend themselves. The
learned only are fit to be their own judges, and I
know not what my eulogium could add to such names
as those of La Place, Delambre, Hauy, Cuvier, Jus-
sieu, Gay-Lussac, Arrago, Biot, Thenard, and many
others worthy to augment the list. Some of those
persons belong, from their age to the new order of
things; and others, whose talents had already shed
lustre on the old monarchy, proceeded in their
learned labours during the course of the Revolution,
and even amidst the crimes that marked the reign of
terror, as if they sought to console mankind for those
passing horrors by the eternal lessons of wisdom and
truth. What, for instance, can be more noble and
affecting than the conduct of Condorcet and Rabaut
St. Etienne, at that period? who, while
hors la loi
,
and certain, if their retreat were discovered, of being
dragged without trial to the scaffold, pursued with
the calmness of a superior nature the lofty speculations of philosophy, and left posthumous works, in
which they disdained to make the slightest allusion
to their own desperate situation, which for both terminated
in death!*
It being my particular purpose at present to plead
the cause of the Poets, I shall hastily pass over the
merits of the French literati, and the orators at the
bar and in the legislature, who have acquired celebrity
under the auspices of liberty. It would indeed
be superfluous to relate what is already well known;
to repeat, for instance, that the admirable philosophical discourses of M. Daunou on history, the brilliant
memoirs of M. Le Montey, the transcendent
genius of Madame de Stael, belong to the new order
of things; or, that at the bar, Dupin, Odillon-Barrot, Berville, the advocates of freedom, may stand
with brow erect before the celebrated lawyers of the
old despotism, who perhaps possessed equal abilities,
but defended a less noble cause.
French eloquence, shackled in a thousand ways
before the Revolution, burst at once into splendour,
when the delegates of the people were permitted to
proclaim their rights, and discuss their interests.
The Constituent Assembly furnished models of public
speaking; and the small minority of the Convention,
the immortal members of the Gironde, proved that
the purest source of eloquence is found in the love
of liberty; they who, after having vainly pleaded her
cause, gloriously died in its defence: and such men,
among whom are found the Hampdens, the Sidneys,
the Russels of their country, have been styled, in a
tone of irony, "revolutionary worthies!"
and this
expression is not found in a manifesto of the Holy
Alliance, dated from their head-quarters at Naples,
but comes from the head-quarters of science, literature, and liberal principles, at Edinburgh!
When, after the fall of Buonaparte, the legislators
ceased to be mute, eloquence revived with the use
of speech. The most splendid talents in the Chamber of Deputies belong exclusively to the minority;
the partizans of the past can boast of no such orators
as Benjamin Constant, Royer-Collard, Daunou, General Foy, Chauvelin, Manuel, Saint-Aulaire, François de Nantes, D'Argenson, Dupont de L'Eure,
Girardin, Etienne, Bignot, &c. Arguments and votes
are found, indeed, to have little connection at the
appel-nominal
, but reason and eloquence have a
mighty power over public opinion, not only in France
but throughout Europe. The enlightened traveller
now visits Paris, not merely to gaze upon the façade
of the Louvre, or the master-pieces of art; he hastens
to the sanctuary where the great interests of mankind
are nobly defended, and where the vanquished obtain
the palms.
Before I attempt to give a Sketch of the Influence
of the Revolution on French Poetry, it may be
proper to repeat, what I have already observed in a
work lately published, that, in this country, politics
have long absorbed almost entirely the public mind;
not only on account of their magnitude, but because
the connection of political events with the fate of
individuals is here far more immediate and overwhelming than in old settled governments. It has,
indeed, been pretended that, the Revolution being
now terminated, the people have given their dismission
from public affairs; but this is not quite exact:
if they no longer place themselves in the breach, they
still maintain a post of observation, and their vigilant
jealousy of the Charter, sole compensation of all their
sacrifices, leaves them little leisure for letters and
arts. Yet at every period of the Revolution, even at
the gloomy epocha of terror, there existed some
minds who sought in books their most soothing consolations amidst their own dangers, or, which perhaps
they found more difficult to bear, the dangers of those
who were dear to them. It requires to have been in
such perilous situations to know the rapture of turning
for a moment to Literature, from the turbulence
of a world in commotion. Even then, also, were
found a chosen few worthy to guard the vestal flame
of the Muses; and the complainings of the poet were
heard at intervals amidst the fury of the political
tempest. The great event of the Revolution has had
an influence in this country on the whole existence of
man; on his thoughts, his principles, his manners,
and his taste; and no doubt Poetry has been subject
to its irresistible ascendency. From the natural connection that exists between our feelings and our situation,
a new state of society must have led the vivid
imagination of the poet to new images, and his heart,
tremblingly awake to every human sympathy, must
have felt new emotions. Enough has been said of
the crimes of the Revolution, and perhaps too little
of those examples of self-abrogation, those deeds of
devotedness, those sublime public virtues, which seem
to slumber in the soul in ordinary times, and which
it requires the greatness of such a circumstance to call
forth. The contemplation of those noble actions,
piercing like the beautiful colours of the rainbow
through the blackness of the cloud, and seeming also
the symbols of security on which man might still
repose, were well fitted to awaken lofty thoughts, and
produce those habits of deep and serious meditation
which gave birth to the marvels of intellectual energy.
Louis the Fourteenth has, indeed, the glory of
giving his name to the Augustan age of literature in
France; but there can be no reason on that account
to believe that superstition and slavery are favourable
to letters. What is there in common between despotism and genius? they may meet together, like many
an ill-assorted pair, but the union was never made in
heaven, and every generous feeling of our nature
conspires to forbid the banns. Had Racine lived in
our days, no doubt his mind would have taken a
different tone, and feeling; he would have written
more after his own heart; far from the ceremonial of
a court by which he was sometimes shackled, he
would have seized the philosophic spirit of the
times, and allied the fervour of the patriot with the
pathetic tenderness of the poet; and surely he would
never have died of despondency because a monarch,
on whose reign his divine genius sheds so bright a
lustre, gave him an angry look.*
It were easy to exemplify the propitious effects
which the new order of things has produced on
Poetry in many remarkable instances but I shall
confine myself to a few examples. There existed
two poets in France at the period of the revolution,
pre-eminent above the rest: Le Brun, and Delille.
Their poetry differed as much as their political opinions; that of Le Brun is daring and original; that
of Delille elegant and polished; but the Revolution
exerted a powerful influence on both. Le Brun
hailed that event with all the fervour of an impassioned
spirit; his patriotic odes, and invocations to
Liberty have Liberty lends his age new fires, and gives his
muse the exulting glow of youth; he sweeps the
chords of his lyre with a bolder hand, and draws
forth tones of more lofty inspiration; he stamps upon
his verse all the vehemence of his political sentiments,
and proves that what Pope has said of the sorrows
of love may be applied to the triumphs of liberty: Le Brun sometimes honoured me with his visits,
and loved to recite his poetical compositions, even to
a large circle; this is one of the last things a man of
letters in England would chuse to undertake; but it
has always been the practice and the fashion, under
every regime, in France. His tall meagre form,
and his long thin visage, became full of animation
while he repeated his verses; he seemed possessed
by a kind of poetic furor; his eye flashed fire, his
voice was sonorous; but, with a temper impetuous as
his song, he could bear no interruption; irritated by
the slightest movement, the lowest whisper in the
apartment, he would suddenly pause, and sometimes
inflexibly refuse to proceed. Irascible in his temper,
warm in his friendships, and no less violent in his
enmities, he excelled in epigram, which he could
point with a cruel skill that never missed its aim.
Upon the whole, it cannot be denied that Le Brun
was a greater poet for having witnessed the Revolution;
that his muse took a higher flight after escaping from the trammels in which poetry had been
confined in France; and that, by mingling the dearest
interests of mankind with the passionate language of
the muse, he gave his divine art a charm and an
empire till then unknown in his country.*
Delille, the contemporary of Le Brun, and like
him advanced in age at the period of the Revolution,
was one of its most resolute antagonists. But we
are sometimes subject, by a sort of fatality, to the
influence of what we hate; Delille, impelled by his
political opinions to emigrate, took refuge in England, where he no doubt enlarged the sphere of his
ideas, acquired perhaps more greatness of thought,
and enriched his imagination with bolder images.
While devoted to old systems of politics, he learnt to
adorn the new systems of science with the most
beautiful colouring of poetry. Even their rugged
nomenclature becomes flexible to the will of the
hand who possessed a peculiar power of bending the
French language to his purpose, while he preserved
all its grace and harmony.
Thus a new situation combined with the general
progress of modern improvement and discovery, to
make Delille a greater poet, in spite of his political
prejudices, and almost against his will. He would
have been satisfied to look at what could be seen of
nature by a poet's eye, through the narrow casements
of a gothic castle; but he was borne down the torrent-stream of the Revolution, and his muse was forced to walk abroad amidst scenery of more extensive beauty and sublimer grandeur.
There belongs to Delille's character a moral excellence which cannot be passed unnoticed, and that was
his stedfast adherence to his principles. He was
called, in the eloquent language of M. de Chateaubriand, "le courtisan de l'adversité;"
and he has
been celebrated also for his unshaken fidelity by a
young poet now no more, Charles Loyson,*
who has
joined with the name of Delille that of the venerable
poet and patriot Ducis, the translator of Hamlet
and Macbeth. Ducis braved far longer than Delille
the power of Buonaparte; refused all his gifts, and
honours, the red ribbon, and the place of senator,
and acquired the title of the last of the Romans.
The following are the lines of Charles Loyson: Those who have passed through the various phases
of a revolution, know how to appreciate the virtue of
independence.*
* This young poet died not long since, of a consumption. His last composition, a farewell to life, is entitled "Le Jeune Poète au Lit de Mort
," where he laments his untimely fate in a strain of beautifully plaintive verse. I shall transcribe a few of the stanzas.
"Couvrez mon lit de fleurs, couronnez-en ma tête;
"Mais quel trouble s'élève en mon âme affaiblie?
"Malheureux que je suis! je n'ai rien fait encore
Among the poets whose compositions have embellished the Revolution, and softened its stern aspect,
Chenier seems to require a particular mention,
because he has been attacked with peculiar severity,
not in his writings, but in his moral character; he is
accused of nothing less than being an accomplice in
the murder of his brother, or, at least, of having
made no effort to save him from the scaffold. This
accusation is a detestable calumny, and the story of
the letter comparing him to Cain, a fable invented by
his relentless enemies. Chenier was naturally of a
timid disposition, which served as a pretext for those
horrible suggestions; but there is the most positive
evidence that he pleaded for his brother with all the
energy of which he was capable; and what evidence
would it require to believe the contrary? It is true
that Chenier omitted doing one thing which would
have silenced his adversaries, and that was to die with
his brother, whom he could not save: he had perhaps
no other way left of obliging them to admit that he
had done what he could. There are cases in times
of revolution in which dying is the only means of
escaping censure. Chenier had talents that excited
envy, without having those qualities of the heart that
obtain pardon for intellectual superiority; he was not
amiable, either in the French or English definition of
the term; his manners had no charm, and his virtues
no gentleness. His genius for poetry was allied with
a distinguished taste for the kindred art of music; his
voluntaries on the piano were delightful, and he possessed a fine voice; but when asked to play or sing, he
never forgot to refuse; he sat down at the instrument
to please himself, and if he gave pleasure to others it
was not his fault. When I first came to France he inhabited the same hotel with myself and my family, and
used to pass his evenings in our society. When we
were dragged to prison in the time of terror, as
guilty of being born in England, Chenier happened
to meet us as we descended the staircase, surrounded
by soldiers and revolutionary commissaries, and passed
by us without daring to take off his hat. This slight
circumstance serves to shew that he was a timid man;
but there are many gradations in morals between
weakness and the barbarous sacrifice of a brother.
Had Chenier been a terrorist, of which he is accused,
he would have had no dangers to dread; guilt was
the order of the day, and had nothing to fear but its
own reproaches. Chenier's apprehensions never led
him to join that sanguinary faction, like some others,
whose apostacy at that fatal period gave occasion to
observe, that in moments of peril nothing is more
atrocious than fear. He was an object of suspicion to
Robespierre, and had his tyranny been prolonged,
would no doubt have been his victim. The writings
of Chenier are all on the side of freedom and philosophy;
he was one of the poets who were best
inspired by the new order of things; and if he had not
the courage as a legislator to "wield a fierce demo-
cracy, and thunder in the forum," he has in his
quality of poet nobly defended the cause of his country.
It must ever be lamented that, like too many
French philosophers, he had not learnt to separate the
abuses of Catholicism from the doctrines of Christianity. He wished to instruct man to break the
chains of superstition: but he sent the unbound captive to wander amidst the deserts of infidelity, without
one hope to cheer his path.
France is still rich in tragic poets. The tragedies
of Chenier, Reynouard, Le Mercier, Arnaud, Jouy,
Casimir and De Lavigne, are composed in the most
philosophical spirit. Instead of compelling the sages
and heroes of antiquity to talk the language of modern
gallantry, the passions and the sorrows of the drama
are connected with the great political interests of
mankind; and on the French stage this is now the
surest way of awakening that contagious sympathy,
which becomes so powerful when the audience are
already of one mind. The most popular piece that
has appeared for a long time on the French stage is
the new tragedy of "Sylla," by M. Jouy. It is a noble
production of genius; and the poet has displayed in
Sylla many features of a family likeness with our
own modern dictator. Liberty is destroyed in Rome,
and nothing but victory is left. The Roscius of our
times gives also a peculiar interest to the piece, when,
wrapping himself in his purple robe, he seizes so
precisely the fugitive tones and gestures of Napoleon,
which are not yet traditional, but in the memory of
all, that it seems as if the perturbed spirit had swept
along the surges, and returned to tread the scene.
When Talma exclaims,
In the beautiful and pathetic tragedy of M. de Lavigne, entitled "The Paria," one passage (conveying
a lesson of tolerance) was applauded with rapture,
which the young poet probably borrowed from
Shakespeare. The Paria, who is the hero of the
piece, belongs to a reprobated caste of the Hindoos;
he exclaims, speaking of the Divinity,
"Ces mortels, comme nous, sont condamnés aux larmes,
M. de Lavigne had perhaps read "Hath not a Jew
eyes? hath not a Jew hands, organs, dimensions,
senses, affections, passions?"
France has been always rich in comic authors,
and she can now boast of Picard, Duval, Merville,*
Andrieux, and others of distinguished merit. Andrieux is professor of poetry at the College de France,
and no one knows better than himself the secret of
attracting a crowded audience. He encourages his
pupils in their love of study, and never mingles, with
invocations to the genius of antient Greece and
Rome, any philippics against liberal principles, or
treats the rising generation, like some others, with
as much acrimony as if it were a misdemeanor to be
young. Professors may argue, and statesmen may
knit their brows: but they might as well hope to
change the course and order of nature, as teach the
youth of France to unlearn the lesson of their lives,
and adopt opinions that are falling, like their partizans, into old age and decrepitude. How will the young be persuaded that the principles on which the Revolution is founded are less true, because the adherents of the past consider the Revolution as an innovation; or, that absolute power is better than liberty, because it has the merit of being old? The young have a chord in their hearts which vibrates to noble
impulses; they have reached that glowing hour of
enthusiasm when visions of perfection and happiness
visit the imagination; when liberty wears an angel
form, and is not merely hailed as a principle, but
adored as a passion. The youth of France know that
freedom is the dear-bought legacy which the Revolution has bequeathed them, and they understand the
price and value of their patrimony. They have
thrown aside the levity of the French youth heretofore; they are less gay, less brilliant: but their minds have more dignity and elevation; their manners are simple, and their thoughts are serious; for they feel that their conduct must solve the great question, whether France is worthy to be free. They have also
been nurtured amidst stupendous circumstances, and
have seen in some sort, living, and embodied before
their eyes, events of such magnitude, as the youth of
other countries have only marvelled at in their school-books; where, perhaps amidst the ordinary occurrences of history, some tattered page, the record of freedom or glory, denotes in its worn condition how often it has been turned over. It is indeed a part of the delinquency of their age to be irritable; they may be won by confidence, but they would rebel against oppression, for they have not reached that
period when the buoyant spirit recedes into timidity;
when sacrifices and self-devotedness lose their perilous charm, and caution takes its place among the
virtues. But while they guard their rights they
remember their duties, and injustice alone would
find in them "something that's dangerous." They
have also, in the midst of the lengthened controversy
between old and new politics, Time for their auxiliary, impelling them forward with vigorous wings,
and brushing from his broad pinion the decaying
obstacles in his way.
I shall transcribe the names of only a few poets to
whom we owe some elegant compositions; such as
Vigée, Tissot, Merville, Millvoye, Viennet; Madame
de Salm, Madame Dufresnoy, and Madame Victoire
Babois.*
Esmenard's poem "On Navigation" is
considered as a classical work.+
One of the most popular poets of the present time
is M. Beranger, a writer of such songs as rather merit
the name of odes, or hymns to liberty. They are for
the most part local, and therefore would be less
relished elsewhere than in France, where the allusions to persons and things are seized upon instantaneously; some are of a more general nature, and prove that a great deal of philosophy may be comprized in the burden of a song. M. Beranger lately published a collection of these celebrated compositions, of which an immense number were sold in a
few days; but he was guilty of casting a shade over
his glory, by inserting some productions which religion and morals are, alas, compelled to put on their
index
. His genius was rich enough to have been less
parsimonious of a few pages which the Muse of His-
tory would wish, as she did for the Great Condé, to
tear out. M. Beranger ought to have remembered
that he also belongs to History: Anacreon is as well
known to posterity as Themistocles. M. Beranger
was tried for sedition, and condemned to a short imprisonment; while in captivity he caused his trial to
be published, and inserted the forbidden songs on
which his condemnation was founded. For that
offence he was ordered to be tried a second time at
the Cour D'Assises, the Old Bailey of Paris. There
the poetical culprit appeared as on a scene of triumph.
The court was filled with all the wits and the elegant
women of Paris; he was defended by the admirable
eloquence of M. Dupin, and the Jury were reminded
by M. Berville of the fate that awaited the persecutors of the Muses in all ages; of his guilt who exiled
Ovid; of the eternal infamy of him who imprisoned
Tasso; and the recorded severity of him from whose
presence Racine departed and died. M. Beranger
was acquitted.
One young poet only in France M. La Martine,
has ranged himself under the banners of power;
he has addressed odes to the high-priest of intolerance the Abbé Menais; and invocations, not on
stamped paper, but in Pindaric measures, to the
Attorney General. M. La Martine has, however real
talents, and his muse has, without his leave, borrowed
energy from freedom.
I shall forbear further to enumerate the poets who
have laid their votive offerings on the altar of liberty,
and whom the austere critics of the north would
perhaps call
des illustres inconnues
. They may be so in England, for a poet seldom acquires honour except in his own country; his name may be pronounced abroad, but he is only understood at home. It is the poetry of that language in which we have lisped in
numbers, in which we first heard the voice that is
dearest to us, in which we have breathed our earliest
accents of joy and sorrow, that strongly affects the
heart; that penetrates its inmost folds, and awakens
its most deep-felt emotions: the poetry of a language which we have learnt with the dictionary has
no such prerogative. My long residence in France
qualifies me perhaps as much as any stranger to taste
the charms of French poetry, and I am not insensible
to its influence; but when I seek for consolation from
verse I take up Pope, or Thomson. Science and
History can be taught to speak every language, but
Poetry knows only her own. The prejudices, therefore, that prevail every where against the poetry of other countries are natural enough; the poet is not
understood by foreigners in his original tongue, and
when his verse is translated, its enchantment is fled.
Sir Walter Scott's novels have been read eagerly in
French, but his poetry in its Parisian costume has lost
all the simple graces of the Highland plaid; no
Caledonian vapours hang upon the hill; no native
voices are in the hall; the strings of the minstrel's
harp are slackened, and there is little music in the
murmurs of the Yarrow.
But it is time to conclude this imperfect sketch of
the tendencies of the Revolution on poetry. If we
are just, we shall not only absolve liberty of the
crimes by which it has been profaned, but we shall
beware of asserting that the new order of things has
in any manner degenerated, rather than exalted the
human mind, or enfeebled genius instead of giving
fresh strength to its pinion. No; the Revolution has
produced more energy of talent, more seriousness of
thought, more virtue, more philanthropy, and more
religion, than existed in this country at any former
period. How can I resist mentioning, though it may
be a digression, a recent and affecting proof of the
progress of philanthropy, in the devotedness of the
four French physicians, who lately hastened to pass
the belt thrown around the desolate city of Barcelona,
to separate the living creation from the domain of
death; who, like Howard, "plunged into the infection of hospitals," and while they risqued their lives
for strangers, rejected the uncounted gold which the
families of the sick threw at their feet, for services it
would have profaned, but never could pay. These
glorious philanthropists Religion is also become more than ever an object
of respect in this country; there prevails a general
ardour of inquiry, a general wish for light and information on that subject. The French feel the importance of having a religion, and the want of its compensations and its hopes. But it will readily be
believed, that what the thinking part of so enlightened a people desire, is not the religion of the
Jesuists; that it has nothing in common with the
ravings of the missionaries, who fancy themselves
Bossuets because they are fanatics; with the miracles
of Amiens and of Saint Geneviéve, since she retook
the Pantheon; or with that bigot zeal of proselytism,
which, in its cruel perfidy, tears a Protestant child
from her father, and teaches her that the way to
merit heaven is to violate every duty on earth. Such
vain and gloomy superstition may shelter itself under
the banner of religion, as the guilty, in some countries, take refuge within the precincts of a temple; but it is no less reprehended by every liberal Catholic than by persons of other persuasions. The religion sought for by the French nation is that which is founded on the principles of rational inquiry, and on the sublime morality and the eternal truths of the Gospel; that religion, without which life in its utmost
blessedness would be a path of weariness, but which,
to those whose passage through the world has led
them amidst such tremendous scenes as have convulsed society to its very foundations, is all that can
calm the agitations of memory, all that can console
for what is irreparable.
I conclude with the wish that the above observations
may have had some power to persuade the reader,
that the Revolution has left some talents, some morality, and some religion in France.
Since the foregoing pages were written, I have
heard that Mr. O'Meara, in his Memoirs of Buonaparte,
asserts that, having lent the Emperor a volume I
published "On the Events of his Government of a
Hundred Days," Buonaparte declared first, that it
was a very silly composition, filled with a string of
falsehoods; secondly, that he had never worn any
other breastplate than his flannel-waistcoat; and
thirdly, that the book, foolish as it was, must have
been well paid
. With regard to the imputation of
my work being silly, it is before the Public and
must defend itself; but when Buonaparte added
"that it was filled with falsehoods," he well knew
that all it uttered was truth; and indeed so much
anger has something of a guilty air; nothing is
calmer than innocence. With respect to the slight
circumstance of his having worn, during the latter
part of his reign, some kind of mysterious ægis
beneath his flannel-waistcoat, I shall only repeat that
it was a fact of public notoriety at Paris, and that it
gave a very awkward appearance to his person. But
I hasten from his coating to a far more serious allegation against me, that of having been well paid
. What
pages of my volume deserved best the recompense?
Was it the tribute offered to Kosciusko, the hero of
Poland; or to La Fayette, the veteran of liberty in
two worlds? It is the misfortune of those who write
in times of revolution, that every successive Government begins by proclaiming principles which the
friend of liberty is tempted to applaud, and as regularly ends by governing in its own way. Exulting in the fall of one tyranny, the heart deludes itself with the hope of better things from new rulers, who take care, in their turn, to convict the dreamer of folly. All I said of Buonaparte, in that volume, were well known facts, upon which the stamp of fate was impressed, and which, while I traced them in a feeble
sketch, History had already seized, and graven with
her iron pen. If the glow of enthusiastic feeling
were not one of the things which it is difficult to
buy or sell, the person by whom I might most reasonably be suspected of having been heretofore paid,
was Buonaparte himself. But no: when I offered
incense at his shrine, when I never pronounced his
name without emotion, he had no recompense to give: he was not then an Emperor. My first lavish
panegyric on Buonaparte, in my "Tour through
Switzerland," was published before he went to Egypt,
when no imperial diadem bound his brows, and he
was only the Deliverer of Italy. At the date of my
succeeding eulogium, in "A Sketch of the State of
France towards the End of the Eighteenth Century,"
he was simply first Consul, with no other title than
that of citizen; but I own I praised him as extravagantly as if consuls, like kings, could do no wrong. His imperial purple at length cured my enthusiasm, and no odes of my inditing hailed his coronation, or his marriage; I saluted with no acclamations the daughter of the Cæsars, and essayed no imitation of
Pollio on the birth of the King of Rome.
Weary of military despotism, I rejoiced indeed in
the deliverance of the country, although not insensible
to the bitter pang which must have rankled in the
breast of the fallen monarch; but while his misfortunes are pitied by the lovers of liberty, they must not be compelled to mourn over him as its friend. He! who finished the Revolution by undoing all it had done; who overthrew its best and most sacred institutions, with the mockery of a Senate that was prostrate, and a Legislature that was mute; who gave back to France her courtly pageantry her titles, her
distinctions, her feudal majorats, and wrested from
her those equal rights for which she had sacrificed
them all; till at length his frantic ambition, unsatisfied with the inheritance of empires, brought hosts of strangers within the gates of the capital, while Liberty hid her prostrate head the dust. It was he who accustomed Europe to the action of immense masses of armed men, and thus gave rise to those
Holy Alliances of bayonets, which hover over the
nations with new invasions, new despotism and consequently new revolutions.
WHILE
envious crowds the summit view,
O, POESY
! O nymph most dear,
"In Heaven they write
Names, such as their's
, in characters of light"+
* The events which took place twenty years ago at Naples were well fitted to be the precursors of those that have followed. The sketch I published in 1801, of the Revolution of Naples in 1799, together with copies of the original documents of the violated treaty, which were confided to me by the persons in whose possession they had been placed, have been inserted by Mr. Belsham in his continuation of Hume, and have therefore become a part of history.
+ Mr. Rogers' Human Life, p. 15.
Page xii
* Answer of Sir James Mackintosh to Burke.
+Mrs. Barbauld's Corsica.
Page xiii
Page xiv
Page xv
* This last work of Condorcet is entitled "Sur la Perfectibilité de l'Homme
;" that of Rabaut St. Etienne Was a "Treatise on Public Instruction," which fell into the hands of the Omars of the day, and was destroyed. But a collection of his letters that have been preserved, and are now in the possession of Madam Rabaut-Pommier, his sister-in-law,
will be published; they throw more light on the first years of the Revolution than any work that has yet appeared. He has also left a collection of Sermons, which he had preached in "the Desert," the sole temple of the French Protestants before the Revolution.
Page xvi
Page xvii
Page xviii
Page xix
Page xx
* The Revolution has even created a new phraseology in France. Many new words have been introduced, the result of new circumstances. But this is a truth which the French admit with reluctance: they tremble at the slightest innovation in their language, and consider every addition to its vocabulary as a profanation. Those upstart words seem despised like the people, by the privileged orders, for having no ancestry. The French Academy stedfastly persist in excluding many parliamentary terms which the Chamber of Deputies have resolutely adopted. Even the word
Budjet
, although a most uncouth sound to a French ear, is completely naturalized,
in defiance of the Academicians. The new denomination of romantic
in literature, gives a French critic the same kind of shivering fit, as that of
liberal
in politics produces on the nerves of an ultra
.
Page xxi
"Thoughts that breathe, and words that burn."
"He best can paint them who shall feel them most."
Page xxii
* Le Brun had the good fortune to have a poet for the editor of his works, M. Guingené, who was a member of the Institute, well known for his taste and erudition, for many elegant literary and poetical productions, and an history of Italian literature, which is considered as a classical work. The memory of this accomplished and enlightened friend of liberty, will ever be cherished by those who enjoyed the privilege of his society, and the fascinating powers of his conversation.
Page xxiii
Page xxiv
Page xxv
"Voyez-vous ce tyran? la foule en vain l'encense
"De Ducis, de Delille, il entend la silence,
"Qu'il soumette à ses loix l'Europe, et l'Univers,
"De leur muse inflexible il n'aura pas un vers."
Placez, placez ma lyre en mes tremblantes mains;
Je salûrai la mort par une hymne de fête;
Vous, de mes derniers chants répéter les refrains.
Pourquoi tombent soudain ces transports généreux?
Mes regards, malgré moi, se tournent vers la vie,
Et ma lyre ne rend que des sons douloureux.
Qui puisse du tré pas sauver mon souvenir!
J'emporte dans la tombe un nom que l'on ignore,
Et tout entier la mort m'enlève à l'avenir!"
* It must be acknowledged that the fine arts too often follow the impulsion of power. Of this the first exhibition of painting at the Louvre, after the Restoration, furnished a striking evidence. We had been accustomed to see nothing but battles on every canvas, and the figure of Napoleon ever in the foreground of the piece. But suddenly "all pomp and circumstance of war" disappeared; the snows of Wagram stained with blood melted away; the fields of Austerlitz and Jena sunk from the
horizon; and marshals, soldiers, cannon, precipices, camps, and broken bridges, were all swept into one common ruin. The walls were crowded with Madonas and processions, and not one single warrior fixed the eye but the good Henry the Fourth, always dear indeed to the French, and to whom they have never forgotten their allegiance.
Page xxvi
Page xxvii
Page xxviii
Page xxix
"Du poids de ma grandeur plus accablé que vous,
"Je viens briser le joug qui nous fatiguait tous,"
and throws aside the purple, and breaks his golden
palm, we recollect that it was expected by many
that Napoleon would have performed the same part
at the Champ de Mai. Had he done so, he would
probably have changed his own destiny, and that of
Europe.
"Nous sommes ses enfans. Comme sur leur visage
"N'a-t-il pas sur le nôtre imprimé son image?--
Page xxx
"Soumis aux mêmes maux, blessé des mêmes armes;
"Les mêmes passions nous brûlent de leurs feux;
"Ils souffrent comme nous, et nous aimons comme eux."
*A new comedy by M. Merville, entitled "Les Quatre Ages
," has
very lately appeared at the Théâtre Français, and obtained the distinguished applause it deserved. The dramatic censors had indeed clipped several fine passages respecting the French youth, but the public perceived that a great deal of beauty and merit had escaped their inexorable
scissars. In picturing the four ages of man, it was natural to say something of the generous sentiments that belong to the young; but that part of the community is so obnoxious, not only to the ultras
of France, but the ultras
of all Europe, that a foreign minister at Verona lately proposed, it is said, to the Congress, the following arrêté
: "La Jeunesse Française est, et demeuré supprimée!"
Page xxxi
Page xxxii
Page xxxiii
* Madame de Salm has written several didactic poems of great merit; she is eminently the poet of reason; Madame Dufresnoy has acquired great celebrity by some beautiful love elegies, and some philosophical essays in prose; and Madame Victoire Babois has composed a succession
of elegiac complaints on the loss of an only child. It has been said of the famous French actress, Mlle. Duchesnois, "qu'elle a des larmes dans la voix;"
and with no less propriety, it may be said of Madame Babois, that there are tears in her words.
+M. Esmenard, and the Marquis de Boufflers did me the honour of translating some of the following Poems into French verse.
Page xxxiv
Page xxxv
Page xxxvi
Page xxxvii
"drew purer breath,
"While Nature sicken'd, and each gale was death,"
with the exception of one young physician, M.
Mazet, who fell the martyr of humanity. Two
nations weep over his fate; two monuments will
record his virtue. He has left a widowed mother to
deplore his loss; but she may well exclaim, in the
words of an English father, "I would not give my
dead son for any living son in Christendom"*
*It seems scarcely necessary to mention the pilgrimage of
les Soeurs
de la Charité
to attend the sick of Barcelona; pity is their vocation, and to them might be applied what was said by M. Thomas, the Celebrated academician, of the virtues of Madame Necker, "le roman des autres est son histoire
."
Page xxxviii
Page xxxix
Page xl
NOTE.
Page xli
Page xlii
Page xliii
Page [xliv]
Page [1]
Page [2]
Page [3]
POEMS.
ADDRESS TO POETRY.
I.
Where Danger with Ambition strays;
Or far, with anxious step, pursue
Pale Av'rice, thro' his winding ways;
The selfish passions in their train,
Whose force the social ties unbind,
And chill the love of human kind,
And make fond Nature's best emotions vain;
Page 4
II.
To whom I early gave my heart,--
Whose voice is sweetest to my ear
Of aught in nature or in art;
Thou, who canst all my breast controul,
Come, and thy harp of various cadence bring,
And long with melting music swell the string
That suits the present temper of my soul.